vendredi 16 août 2013

Migration Agenda within Politics in Morocco: Emergence of New Political identities and Actors

The Mediterranean imagination is haunted with mobility and traveling. In Morocco, it is everywhere in the popular and literary productions and even it is linked with the renewal of scientific tools in social sciences in knowledge production. Migration as a recent theme in the socio-political scene in Morocco renewed Moroccans understanding of citizenship and politics. It is a new space of civic and political negotiation.

Statistically speaking, the Moroccan Diaspora abroad approximates 4 million and a half composed of three generations. From a gender perspective, women are about 50% of the migration population. Financially speaking, remittances amount to 26 milliards Dirham. The Moroccan Diaspora exists in all the five continents with a classical concentration in Western Europe. According to some researches, there is stagnation of the migratory flux to some countries in Western Europe, like the Netherlands but there are new waves to Spain and Italy. More importantly, there is also the phenomenon of return migration but it is still a nascent activity.

Beyond statistics, there are invisible processes both culturally and politically. During the 80’s, new political elites emerged out of civil society locally and globally linked with migration agenda. I argue that they have imposed their agendas and their legitimacy through incorporation and combination of identity politics, cultural dimension and social intervention with transnational connections. This axis of activism concentration emerged during the process of democratization, linking the local and the global in a manner that transformed the public sphere in modern Morocco. So, how these new political activists negotiate with the formal institutionalized politicians? How do they use migration file to lobby for their interests? How their discourses shape a new form of doing politics? And how their transnational networking and social capital empower them locally?

Understanding the Moroccan Diaspora starts from rethinking the local and the global when it comes to its formation, diversity and continuity.'[diasporas] form an important transnational resource for movements for self-determination…diasporic attachments subvert the nation-state: diasporas think globally even though they live locally. Sometimes understood as hybrid, diasporic communities are often seen as embodying the postmodern condition'.

The festivilization of Moroccan migration should not blind policy makers and deciders to shun away from tackling the real issues related to migration in Morocco; the transnational debate on Moroccan migration, I suggest, is to rethink and lobby for a new perspective on the Moroccan migration. It is inscribed in the 3D's approach that is: 'development, democracy and dignity'. The debate is about new roles of migrants, of the changing face of immigrants profile and their roles in the political as well as the social arenas in Morocco.

Historically speaking, Migrants' networks from the sixties onwards forged new meanings for the nation, citizenship and belonging. Migrants reconsidered contested terrains through discursive strategies of naming as Daniel Thomas (2002) argues, 'the deployment and engagement of competing justification becomes a highly significant political process, and justifications themselves become a source of political power’. This is a platform to reconsider the dynamics of new civil society actors in the migratory process under a local/global world as the migration dream/project gains more intense and strong hold within the imagination of Moroccans to an extent that it alienates them from interacting in daily life, and how new civil society/political elites emerge strongly at the margin of this new social identity within the social fabric of Morocco.

In 2005, a Euro-African Non-Governmental Conference was organized in Rabat (Bouznika) on 30 of June and the 1st of July and called for “the respect of the fundamental rights of migrants, on freedom of movement for all, on development and prosperity sharing policies devoid of security concerns, on the fight against securitarian policies and their consequences, on policies of admission and integration that can restore the right of asylum and secure the recognition of immigrants' rights as workers and citizens”.

 In 2006, Moroccans living abroad and through their NGOs organized an international conference in Rabat; it was called ‘AL Monadara: for a real citizenship here and there’ ; Al Monadara described this politics of here and there in the following terms,' depuis quelques années, les relations avec le Maroc sont devenues plurielles et multidimensionnelles…ceci est en partie liée a l'évolution interne des communautés marocaines immigrées, mais aussi aux dynamiques de changement au sein de la société marocaine. Conséquemment les liens ne sont plus uniquement d'ordre personnel ou familial, voire politique, mais s'inscrivent de plus en plus dans le cadre de l'action collective associative…'.

Moving beyond statistics and clichés, public policies should be oriented towards generating a healthy debate about the nexus migration/development and be equipped with a clear vision of the interrelatedness among citizenship, democracy and development at both theoretical and practical levels.

social movements: history and definitions

Social movements are a type of group action. They are large informal groupings of individuals and/or organizations focused on specific political or social issues, in other words, on carrying out, resisting or undoing a social change.
Modern Western social movements became possible through education (the wider dissemination of literature), and increased mobility of labour due to the industrialisation and urbanisation of 19th century societies. It is sometimes argued that the freedom of expression, education and relative economic independence prevalent in the modern Western culture is responsible for the unprecedented number and scope of various contemporary social movements. However others point out that many of the major social movements of the last hundred years grew up, like the Mau Mau in Kenya, to oppose Western colonialism.
Political science and sociology have developed a variety of theories and empirical research on social movements. For example, some research in political science highlights the relation between popular movements and the formation of new political parties as well as discussing the function of social movements in relation to agenda setting and influence on politics.

Charles Tilly defines social movements as a series of contentious performances, displays and campaigns by which ordinary people made collective claims on others [Tilly, 2004]. For Tilly, social movements are a major vehicle for ordinary people's participation in public politics [Tilly, 2004:3]. He argues that there are three major elements to a social movement [Tilly, 2004]:
Campaigns: a sustained, organized public effort making collective claims on target authorities;
Repertoire: employment of combinations from among the following forms of political action: creation of special-purpose associations and coalitions, public meetings, solemn processions, vigils, rallies, demonstrations, petition drives, statements to and in public media, and pamphleteering; and
WUNC displays: participants' concerted public representation of worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitments on the part of themselves and/or their constituencies.
Sidney Tarrow defines [Tarrow, 1994] a social movement as collective challenges [to elites, authorities, other groups or cultural codes] by people with common purposes and solidarity in sustained interactions with elites, opponents and authorities. He specifically distinguishes social movements from political parties and interest groups.
The term "social movements" was introduced in 1850 by the German Sociologist Lorenz von Stein in his book "History of the French Social Movement from 1789 to the Present (1850).
Charles Tilly claims that the "social movement" did not exist before the late eighteenth century: although such elements as campaigns, social movement repertoire and WUNC displays has a long history, only recently had they been combined together into a proper social movement. The "social movement" was invented in England and North America during the first decades of the nineteenth century and has since then spread across the globe.[Tilly, 2004]
Tilly argues that the early growth of social movements was connected to broad economic and political changes including parliamentarization, market capitalization, and proletarianization. [Tilly, 2004] Political movements that evolved in late 18th century, like those connected to the French Revolution and the Polish Constitution of May 3, 1791 are among the first documented social movements, although Tilly notes that the British abolitionist movement has "some claim" to be the first social movement (becoming one between the sugar boycott of 1791 and the second great petition drive of 1806). The labor movement and socialist movement of the late 19th century are seen as the prototypical social movements, leading to the formation of communist and social democratic parties and organisations. From 1815, Britain after victory in the Napoleonic Wars entered a period of social upheaval. Similar tendencies were seen in other countries as pressure for reform continued, for example in Russia with the Russian Revolution of 1905 and of 1917, resulting in the collapse of the Russian State around the end of the First World War.
In 1945, Britain after victory in the Second World War entered a period of radical reform and change. In the post-war period, women's rights, gay rights, peace, civil rights, anti-nuclear and environmental movements emerged, often dubbed the New Social Movements. They led inter alia to the formation of green parties and organisations influenced by the new left. Some find in the end of the 1990s the emergence of a new global social movement, the anti-globalization movement. Some social movement scholars posit that with the rapid pace of globalization, the potential for the emergence of new type of social movement is latent -- they make the analogy to national movements of the past to describe what has been termed a global citizens movement.

Key processes

The South African Police Crush Another Demonstration by the Squatters' Movement Abahlali baseMjondolo, 28 September, 2007
Several key processes lie behind the history of social movements. The process of urbanization, which created large cities, facilitated social interaction between scores of people. It was in cities, where people of similar goals could find each other, gather and organize, that those early social movements first appeared. Similarly, the process of industrialization which gathered large masses of workers in the same region was responsible for the fact that many of those early social movements addressed matters important to that social class. Many other social movements were created at universities, where the process of mass education brought many people together. With the development of communication technologies, creation and activities of social movements became easier - from printed pamphlets circulating in the 18th century coffeehouses to newspapers and Internet, all those tools became important factors in the growth of the social movements. Finally, the spread of democracy and political rights like the freedom of speech made the creation and functioning of social movements much easier.
Social movements have been and continued to be closely connected with democratic political systems. Occasionally social movements have been involved in democratizing nations, but more often they have flourished after democratization. Over the past 200 years, they have become part of a popular and global expression of dissent.[Tilly, 2004]
Types of social movement
Types of social movements.[1]
Sociologists distinguish between several types of social movement:
reform movements - movements dedicated to changing some norms, usually legal ones. Examples of such a movement would include a trade union with a goal of increasing workers rights, a green movement advocating a set of ecological laws, or a movement supporting introduction of a capital punishment or right to abortion. Some reform movements may advocate a change in custom and moral norms, for example, condemnation of pornography or proliferation of some religion. The nature of such movements is not just related to the issue but also to the methods used. There could be reformist or radical methods used to achieve the same end, such as in the case of making abortion legal and readily available.
radical movement - movements dedicated to changing value systems. Those involve fundamental changes, unlike the reform movements, Examples would include the American Civil Rights Movement which demanded full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans (this movement was broad and included both radical and reformist elements), regardless of race, the Polish Solidarity (Solidarność) movement which demanded the transformation of a Stalinist political and economic system into a democracy or the South African shack dwellers' movement Abahlali baseMjondolo which demands the full inclusion of shack dwellers into the life of cities.
type of change
innovation movement - movements which want to enable particular norms, values, etc. The singularitarianism movement advocating deliberate action to effect and ensure the safety of the technological singularity is an example of an innovation movement.
conservative movement - movements which want to preserve existing norms, values, etc. For example, the anti-automation 19th century Luddites movement or the modern movement opposing the spread of the genetically modified food could be seen as conservative movements in that they aimed to fight specific technological changes, however they are progressive in ways that movements that are simply being anti-change (e.g. being anti-immigration) for the sake of it can never be.
group-focus movements - focused on affecting groups or society in general, for example, advocating the change of the political system. Some of these groups transform into or join a political party, but many remain outside the reformist party political system.
individual-focused movements - focused on affecting individuals. Most religious movements would fall under this category.
methods of work
peaceful movements, which are seen to stand in contrast to 'violent' movements. The American Civil Rights movement, Polish Solidarity movement or the nonviolent, civil disobedience-orientated wing of the Indian independence movement would fall into this category.
violent movements - various armed movements e.g. the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, Rote Armee Fraktion.
old and new
old movements - movements for change have existed since the beginning of society, most of the 19th century movements fought for specific social groups, such as the working class, peasants, whites, aristocrats, Protestants, men. They were usually centered around some materialistic goals like improving the standard of living or, for example, the political autonomy of the working class.
new movements - movements which became dominant from the second half of the 20th century - like the feminist movement, pro-choice movement, civil rights movement, environmental movement, free software movement, gay rights movement, peace movement, anti-nuclear movement, alter-globalization movement, etc. Sometimes they are known as new social movements. They are usually centered around issues that go beyond but are not separate from class.
global movements - social movements with global objectives and goals. Movements such as the first (where Marx and Bakunin met), second, third and fourth internationals, the World Social Forum, the PGA and the anarchist movement seek to change society at a global level.
local movements - most of the social movements have a local scope. They are based on local or regional objectives, such as protecting a specific natural area, lobbying for the lowering of tolls in a certain motorway, or squatting a building about to be demolished for gentrification and turning it into a social center.
multi-level movements - social movements which recognize the complexity of governance in the 21st Century and aim to have an impact at the local, regional, national and international levels.
Identification of supporters
A difficulty for scholarship of movements is that for most of them, neither insiders to a movement nor outsiders apply consistent labels or even descriptive phrases. Unless there is a single leader who does that, or a formal system of membership agreements, activists will typically use diverse labels and descriptive phrases that require scholars to discern when they are referring to the same or similar ideas, declare similar goals, adopt similar programs of action, and use similar methods. There can be great differences in the way that is done, to recognize who is and who is not a member or an allied group:
Insiders: Often exaggerate the level of support by considering people supporters whose level of activity or support is weak, but also reject those that outsiders might consider supporters because they discredit the cause, or are even seen as adversaries.
Outsiders: Those not supporters who may tend to either underestimate or overestimate the level or support or activity of elements of a movement, by including or excluding those that insiders would exclude or include.
It is often outsiders rather than insiders that apply the identifying labels for a movement, which the insiders then may or may not adopt and use to self-identify. For example, the label for the levellers political movement in 17th century England was applied to them by their antagonists, as a term of disparagement. Yet admirers of the movement and its aims later came to use the term, and it is the term by which they are known to history.
Caution must always be exercised in any discussion of amorphous phenomena such as movements to distinguish between the views of insiders and outsiders, supporters and antagonists, each of whom may have their own purposes and agendas in characterization or mischaracterization of it.
Dynamics of social movements
Stages of social movements.[2]
Social movements are not eternal. They have a life cycle: they are created, they grow, they achieve successes or failures and eventually, they dissolve and cease to exist.
They are more likely to evolve in the time and place which is friendly to the social movements: hence their evident symbiosis with the 19th century proliferation of ideas like individual rights, freedom of speech and civil disobedience. Social movements occur in liberal and authoritarian societies but in different forms. But there must always be polarizing differences between groups of people: in case of 'old movements', they were the poverty and wealth gaps. In case of the 'new movements', they are more likely to be the differences in customs, ethics and values. Finally, the birth of a social movement needs what sociologist Neil Smelser calls an initiating event: a particular, individual event that will begin a chain reaction of events in the given society leading to the creation of a social movement. For example, American Civil Rights movement grew on the reaction to black woman, Rosa Parks, riding in the whites-only section of the bus (although it is important to note that Rosa Parks was not acting alone or spontaneously -- typically activist leaders lay the groundwork behind the scenes of interventions designed to spark a movement). The Polish Solidarity movement, which eventually toppled the communist regimes of Eastern Europe, developed after trade union activist Anna Walentynowicz was fired from work. The South African shack dwellers' movement Abahlali baseMjondolo grew out of a road blockade in response to the sudden selling off of a small piece of land promised for housing to a developer. Such an event is also described as a volcanic model - a social movement is often created after a large number of people realize that there are others sharing the same value and desire for a particular social change. Thus, one of the main difficulties facing the emerging social movement is spreading the very knowledge that it exists. Second is overcoming the free rider problem - convincing people to join it, instead of following the mentality 'why should I trouble myself when others can do it and I can just reap the benefits after their hard work'.
Many social movements are created around some charismatic leader, i.e. one possessing charismatic authority. After the social movement is created, there are two likely phases of recruitment. The first phase will gather the people deeply interested in the primary goal and ideal of the movement. The second phase, which will usually come after the given movement had some successes and is trendy; it would look good on a résumé. People who join in this second phase will likely be the first to leave when the movement suffers any setbacks and failures.
Eventually, the social crisis can be encouraged by outside elements, like opposition from government or other movements. However, many movements had survived a failure crisis, being revived by some hardcore activists even after several decades.
Social movement theories
Sociologists have developed several theories related to social movements [Kendall, 2005]. Some of the better-known approaches are outlined below. Chronologically they include:
Deprivation theory
Deprivation theory argues that social movements have their foundations among people who feel deprived of some good(s) or resource(s). According to this approach, individuals who are lacking some good, service, or comfort are more likely to organize a social movement to improve (or defend) their conditions (Morrison 1978).
There are two significant problems with this theory. First, since most people feel deprived at one level or another almost all the time, the theory has a hard time explaining why the groups that form social movements do when other people are also deprived. Second, the reasoning behind this theory is circular - often the only evidence for deprivation is the social movement. If deprivation is claimed to be the cause but the only evidence for such is the movement, the reasoning is circular (Jenkins and Perrow 1977).

Mass society theory
Mass society theory argues that social movements are made up of individuals in large societies who feel insignificant or socially detached. Social movements, according to this theory, provide a sense of empowerment and belonging that the movement members would otherwise not have (Kornhauser 1959).
Very little support has been found for this theory. Aho (1990), in his study of Idaho Christian Patriotism, did not find that members of that movement were more likely to have been socially detached. In fact, the key to joining the movement was having a friend or associate who was a member of the movement.
Structural strain theory
Structural strain theory proposes six factors that encourage social movement development (Smelser 1962):
structural conduciveness - people come to believe their society has problems
structural strain - people experience deprivation
growth and spread of a solution - a solution to the problems people are experiencing is proposed and spreads
precipitating factors - discontent usually requires a catalyst (often a specific event) to turn it into a social movement
lack of social control - the entity that is to be changed must be at least somewhat open to the change; if the social movement is quickly and powerfully repressed, it may never materialize
mobilization - this is the actual organizing and active component of the movement; people do what needs to be done
This theory is also subject to circular reasoning as it incorporates, at least in part, deprivation theory and relies upon it, and social/structural strain for the underlying motivation of social movement activism. However, social movement activism is, like in the case of deprivation theory, often the only indication that there was strain or deprivation.
Resource mobilization theory
Resource mobilization theory emphasizes the importance of resources in social movement development and success. Resources are understood here to include: knowledge, money, media, labor, solidarity, legitimacy, and internal and external support from power elite. The theory argues that social movements develop when individuals with grievances are able to mobilize sufficient resources to take action. The emphasis on resources offers an explanation why some discontented/deprived individuals are able to organize while others are not.
Some of the assumptions of the theory include:
there will always be grounds for protest in modern, politically pluralistic societies because there is constant discontent (i.e., grievances or deprivation); this de-emphasizes the importance of these factors as it makes them ubiquitous
actors are rational; they weigh the costs and benefits from movement participation
members are recruited through networks; commitment is maintained by building a collective identity and continuing to nurture interpersonal relationships
movement organization is contingent upon the aggregation of resources
social movement organizations require resources and continuity of leadership
social movement entrepreneurs and protest organizations are the catalysts which transform collective discontent into social movements; social movement organizations form the backbone of social movements
the form of the resources shapes the activities of the movement (e.g., access to a TV station will result in the extensive use TV media)
movements develop in contingent opportunity structures that influence their efforts to mobilize; as each movement's response to the opportunity structures depends on the movement's organization and resources, there is no clear pattern of movement development nor are specific movement techniques or methods universal
Critics of this theory argue that there is too much of an emphasize on resources, especially financial resources. Some movements are effective without an influx of money and are more dependent upon the movement members for time and labor (e.g., the civil rights movement in the U.S.).
Political process theory
Political process theory is similar to resource mobilization in many regards, but tends to emphasize a different component of social structure that is important for social movement development: political opportunities. Political process theory argues that there are three vital components for movement formation: insurgent consciousness, organizational strength, and political opportunities.
Insurgent consciousness refers back to the ideas of deprivation and grievances. The idea is that certain members of society feel like they are being mistreated or that somehow the system is unjust. The insurgent consciousness is the collective sense of injustice that movement members (or potential movement members) feel and serves as the motivation for movement organization.

Organizational strength falls inline with resource-mobilization theory, arguing that in order for a social movement to organize it must have strong leadership and sufficient resources.
Political opportunity refers to the receptivity or vulnerability of the existing political system to challenge. This vulnerability can be the result of any of the following (or a combination thereof):
growth of political pluralism
decline in effectiveness of repression
elite disunity; the leading factions are internally fragmented
a broadening of access to institutional participation in political processes
support of organized opposition by elites
One of the advantages of the political process theory is that it addresses the issue of timing or emergence of social movements. Some groups may have the insurgent consciousness and resources to mobilize, but because political opportunities are closed, they will not have any success. The theory, then, argues that all three of these components are important.
Critics of the political process theory and resource-mobilization theory point out that neither theory discusses movement culture to any great degree. This has presented culture theorists an opportunity to expound on the importance of culture.
One advance on the political process theory is the political mediation model, which outlines the way in which the political context facing movement actors intersects with the strategic choices that movements make. An additional strength of this model is that it can look at the outcomes of social movements not only in terms of success or failure but also in terms of consequences (whether intentional or unintentional, positive or negative) and in terms of collective benefits.
Culture theory
Culture theory builds upon both the political process and resource-mobilization theories but extends them in two ways. First, it emphasizes the importance of movement culture. Second, it attempts to address the free-rider problem.
Both resource-mobilization theory and political process theory include a sense of injustice in their approaches. Culture theory brings this sense of injustice to the forefront of movement creation by arguing that, in order for social movements to successfully mobilize individuals, they must develop an injustice frame. An injustice frame is a collection of ideas and symbols that illustrate both how significant the problem is as well as what the movement can do to alleviate it,
"Like a picture frame, an issue frame marks off some part of the world. Like a building frame, it holds things together. It provides coherence to an array of symbols, images, and arguments, linking them through an underlying organizing idea that suggests what is essential - what consequences and values are at stake. We do not see the frame directly, but infer its presence by its characteristic expressions and language. Each frame gives the advantage to certain ways of talking and thinking, while it places others out of the picture." (Ryan and Gamson 2006:14)
A few things we know about injustice frames (from Ryan and Gamson 2006):
Facts take on their meaning by being embedded in frames, which render them relevant and significant or irrelevant and trivial.
People carry around multiple frames in their heads.
Successful reframing involves the ability to enter into the worldview of our adversaries.
All frames contain implicit or explicit appeals to moral principles.
In emphasizing the injustice frame, culture theory also addresses the free-rider problem. The free-rider problem refers to the idea that people will not be motivated to participate in a social movement that will use up their personal resources (e.g., time, money, etc.) if they can still receive the benefits without participating. In other words, if person X knows that movement Y is working to improve environmental conditions in his neighborhood, he is presented with a choice: join or not join the movement. If he believes the movement will succeed without him, he can avoid participation in the movement, save his resources, and still reap the benefits - this is free-riding. A significant problem for social movement theory has been to explain why people join movements if they believe the movement can/will succeed without their contribution. Culture theory argues that, in conjunction with social networks being an important contact tool, the injustice frame will provide the motivation for people to contribute to the movement.
Framing processes includes three separate components:
Diagnostic frame: the movement organization frames what is the problem or what they are critiquing
Prognostic frame: the movement organization frames what is the desirable solution to the problem
Motivational frame: the movement organization frames a "call to arms" by suggesting and encouraging that people take action to solve the problem.